Asmaa mahfouz 2017 standard

Cairo, Egypt. Overview [ edit ]. Background [ edit ]. January uprising in Egypt [ edit ]. Support of Occupy Wall Street [ edit ]. Banned from travelling abroad [ edit ]. See also [ edit ]. References [ edit ]. The New York Times. Archived from the original on 7 September Retrieved 6 February National Public Radio. Archived from the original on 5 February Gulf News.

Archived from the original on 22 February Archived from the original on 7 March Retrieved 4 March Arabian Business. Archived from the original on 18 August Retrieved 22 December Asharq Al-Awsat. Archived from the original on 1 March Retrieved 7 February After the military takeover in he was jailed for life, where he remains today. Inhis family said his health was deteriorating.

This month, Egyptian authorities reportedly seized his assets. Mohamed ElBaradei, now 78, started with the Egyptian diplomatic corps in and spent most of his career overseas. On January 27,he returned home. ElBaradei went on to play a prominent role in several opposition parties and became Egypt's interim vice president in But he resigned after a month, following the massacre of over Morsi supporters.

Soon after he returned to Vienna. Latest videos Latest audio. In focus. Latest audio Latest videos. Icons of Egypt's revolution: Where are they now? Ten years after Egypt's January 25 revolution, many of those who led protests are disillusioned or in jail. Creating a Public Self For a Western audience, the directness of the asmaa mahfouz 2017 standard and its call to action might seem familiar; indeed, an inspired young person in front of a camera saying what she thinks is not surprising.

Thus, there was no attempt at anonymity even though appearing in the video and calling for fellow citizens to protest against the government was risky. While something similar might be accomplished on blogs, the visual properties of YouTube make this a much more compelling act. This ability to create a public self seems inherently tied to the publicness of posting the video on YouTube where it would be visible to anyone and available to be remediated by anyone seeking to embed the video on their own website in addition to being responded to by anyone choosing to comment on it.

Also notable is the fact that just because YouTube is a Western tool, the self that Mahfouz creates is not a Western one. In each of her four videos, she appears veiled, an act that the West has consistently associated with a lack of agency and evidence of oppression of Muslim women. Yet clearly, this is how she normally dresses, and she does so by choice.

Thus, employing video gives her the power to create herself. If you have honor and dignity as a man, come and protect me, and other girls in the protest. This seems to be a bit of gender jujitsu. Thus, the video and its public display provided Mahfouz with a chance to construct herself for viewers without being remediated or reduced into a sound bite by a mainstream news report.

The ability to create a public self may also be accorded to bloggers, but the ability for others to remediate that self and to believe they know her does seem to make the YouTube version more powerful. The people want to bring down the regime! It was all of us, all Egyptians. A single, sincere face looking out from the computer screen, delivered as if a personal call.

Fear none but God! God alone can give us victory and he alone will protect us. In doing so, they potentially contribute to the creation of new publics. In the case here, the new public will be one that is patriotic, religious, and politically active—clearly an indigenous view of civic life and not one imposed by forces from outside of the region.

I can now say I am proud to be Egyptian. In Egypt, the alternatives that have emerged range from a reimagining of religious messages and delivery of that information via the satellite television shows of a new generation of televangelists to the rise of a vibrant, resistant blogosphere. In the revolution of Januarymany young Egyptians turned to participatory and social media in conjunction with real-world organizing and demonstrating.

That is, participatory media were used as platforms for political activism, a use that activists had increasingly employed to compliment real-world actions. Of course, it should be noted that activist networks of youth, labor, and other politically motivated Egyptians using participatory media existed before January The revolution did not introduce this phenomenon.

The overall result of complimentary online and real-world actions could be considered a loosely synchronized enactment of a new form of Egyptian citizenship. While we can never know the exact contribution of this one activist to the dramatic changes that took place, clearly YouTube and other participatory media were employed as political tools to create new forms of personalized dissent for Egyptians such as Asmaa Mahfouz and, in doing so, appear to have led to a new media logic for Egyptian political actions.

Mass culture and modernism in Egypt.

Asmaa mahfouz 2017 standard

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bryant, M. The Next Web. According to statistics published by the Syrian Network for Human Rights in a report released to coincide with the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women, 11, women have been killed since the outbreak of the Syrian revolution. There have been 7, cases of sexual violence committed by the regime within detention centres and during raids, with committed against individuals less than eighteen years old.

There are some 2. It is clear that whilst women were at the forefront of the revolutions calling for freedom, justice and dignity, they have become a footnote in what followed, as revolutions in Syria, Yemen and Libya turned into civil wars or counter-revolutions. The problem encountered by women involved with the revolutions was that the systems of power in the Arab world were deeply rooted, immovable, distributed among institutions of male hegemony and culture, and based around a patriarchal nationalism.

When these came under attack, the entire repressive apparatus and its age-old cultural legacy was deployed for the sole purpose of preserving the status quo. It seems that the feminist movement was genuinely unprepared for how durable this culture and cultural legacy would be. Its treatment of women as something to be manipulated and directed according to the whims and desires of male hegemony was not something which could be deconstructed quickly.

However, the feminist movement is often portrayed as the biggest loser of the Arab Spring. This belief is based first and foremost on the experiences of women at the forefront of revolutions across the Arab world, where Islamist movements have extended their influence to largely eclipse those of the popular uprisings, most notably in Libya and Syria.

The civic and democratic values that dominated the early stages of uprisings have given way to traditional, Islamist and other counter-revolutionary forces, as seen in Yemen and Egypt. The persistent criticisms by Islamists of secularist Islamic movements, which have been dismissed as Western and populated by lackeys of the West have been paired with efforts to equate the feminist movement with corrupt regimes.

This anti-feminist position was not however openly stated at the outset of the revolution. Salafist movements were happy to use women as a pretext for mobilisation and they supported a number of problematic actions, with female supporters of their cause taking part in demonstrations calling for regime change in Egypt, Yemen and Tunisia. Once the regimes had fallen though, it became asmaa mahfouz 2017 standard that this participation was merely the exploitation of women to propagate Salafist and Islamist thought.

Amal Qarami from the University of Manouba in Tunisia examined Salafist propagation of a misogynist culture. What was new were the violent methods employed by young Salafists to impose their worldview.